Association of Vapers IndiaAVI

For policymakers

India's tobacco control has a prohibition problem — the evidence says the fix is regulation, not more bans

A structured case, built on India's own government data, international precedent, and the published record of what has and hasn't worked elsewhere — for anyone weighing India's options on tobacco harm reduction policy.

The status quo isn't working

A 2026 working paper by a member of the Prime Minister's Economic Advisory Council (EAC-PM), drawing on official National Sample Survey and Household Consumption Expenditure Survey data, found tobacco consumption has risen sharply over the last decade of prohibition-only policy — not fallen:

68.6%of rural households now consume tobacco (2023–24), up from 59.3% in 2011–12
45.6%of urban households now consume tobacco (2023–24), up from 34.9% — a 59% rise in absolute numbers
~6×rise in rural gutka-consuming households — from 5.3% to 30.4% over the same period

Source: EAC-PM working paper (Shamika Ravi & Partha Protim Barman, 2026), reported inThePrint. The finding covers all tobacco, not specifically PECA's e-cigarette ban — but it lands during the same decade e-cigarettes have been banned nationally, while gutka and khaini remain widely available. If the policy goal is reducing tobacco-attributable harm, the trend line says the current toolkit needs expanding, not just enforcing harder.

Where regulation has coincided with accelerated declines

Sweden

Decades of snus substitution produced Europe's lowest daily smoking rate (~5%) and 44% lower tobacco-attributable mortality than the EU average.

GSTHR country profile →

Japan

Smoking prevalence fell from 32% (2000) to 19.4% (2022), with an accelerated decline specifically among the age groups with highest heated-tobacco uptake after HTPs entered the market in 2014.

GSTHR country profile →

United Kingdom

An estimated 3.3 million adults have quit smoking using a vape; daily vaping has overtaken daily smoking for the first time on record, under a regulated-access model.

ASH UK data →

New Zealand

Official position: vaping products carry "much less risk than smoking cigarettes" — one of the clearest government-endorsed regulated-market approaches globally.

GSTHR country profile →

Canada

Health Canada's position: "switching completely to vaping is a less harmful option" than continuing to smoke, underpinning a regulated national market.

Health Canada →

Philippines

A July 2022 law created a differentiated framework — distinguishing vaping from smoking while restricting youth access — offered as a workable middle-ground model for other Asian countries by independent THR commentary.

See AVI's press coverage →

Where prohibition hasn't worked

Brazil

Academic analysis found weak enforcement of Brazil's e-cigarette ban has left the country with a widespread, unregulated illicit market — prohibition alone failed to contain use or trade.

Read the analysis →

Thailand

Thailand's illegal e-cigarette market was estimated at 3–6 billion Thai baht even years into a strict ban, with black-market devices carrying no safety standards at all.

Read the coverage →

Mexico

Listed among the world's strictest vape-ban jurisdictions — without published evidence that the ban has measurably reduced smoking prevalence, and with a documented parallel illicit trade.

See the comparative data →

The pattern across all three: banning the product doesn't remove demand — it moves that demand into an unregulated, untested, unsafe market the state has no visibility into. This is the mechanism India's own PECA ban risks reproducing at national scale.

A middle path: regulate, don't prohibit

China offers an instructive contrast to outright prohibition: rather than banning e-cigarettes, it brought them under its tobacco-monopoly system in 2021, with a mandatory national product standard (2022) covering manufacturing, safety, labelling and testing — flavour and advertising restrictions apply, but the category is licensed and regulated, not prohibited. Whatever view one takes of a state tobacco-monopoly model, it demonstrates that "ban outright" is not the only regulatory instrument available to a large, complex market.

See coverage of China's regulatory standard →

The financial and livelihoods case

India's existing tobacco economy is large, and the policy question is what happens to it — not whether it exists.

4.5crpeople employed across India's tobacco sector — 6M farmers, 20M farm labourers, 4M leaf pluckers, 8.5M in processing/manufacturing, 7.2M in retail (ASSOCHAM study)
₹11.8 lakh crthe sector's estimated contribution to the Indian economy, per the same study

A regulated safer-nicotine sector doesn't require abandoning this workforce. Writing for the trade outlet 2Firsts, AVI's own director Samrat Chowdhery has argued that regulation "could enable India, as the world's second-largest tobacco producer, to explore leveraging its agricultural base for the production of pharmaceutical-grade nicotine" — repurposing existing cultivation and processing capacity into a legal, taxed, safer-nicotine supply chain, rather than treating India's tobacco farmers and workers as an obstacle to public health policy.

Read the full 2Firsts piece →

A regulated market also generates tax revenue current policy forgoes entirely by pushing the category into an untaxed illicit market — the same dynamic documented in Brazil and Thailand above.

International backing for this position

INNCO's LMIC position paper

"10 Reasons Why Blanket Bans of E-Cigarettes and HTPs in Low- and Middle-Income Countries Are Not Fit for Purpose" — published by the International Network of Nicotine Consumer Organisations, the global federation AVI's own director, Samrat Chowdhery, currently presides over. Written in direct response to a 2020 call by The Union (a Bloomberg tobacco-control partner) for LMICs to ban ENDS and HTPs outright.

"In India for example, there are significantly more users of smokeless tobacco, often high-risk non-food grade smokeless tobacco, than cigarette smokers. Traditional cessation services may not work in such an environment and for all tobacco users … on behalf of those in LMICs, we say loud and clear — nothing about us without us."— Samrat Chowdhery, Foreword
  1. Bans are an overly simplistic solution to a complex issue and will not work
  2. Prioritising the banning of reduced harm alternatives over cigarettes is illogical
  3. Reduction and substitution are valid goals for smokers in LMICs
  4. People who smoke have the right to choose to reduce their own risk of harm
  5. Reduced harm alternatives can significantly contribute to the aims of global tobacco control
  6. Lack of research in LMICs is not a valid reason to ban reduced harm alternatives
  7. The prohibitionist approach in LMICs is outdated, unrealistic and condescending
  8. Bans in LMICs lead to illicit markets, more crime, and no tax revenue — with real examples from Bhutan, Singapore, Mexico, Brazil and Thailand
  9. Banning reduced harm alternatives leads people back to smoking and greater harm — South Korea and Mexico both saw this after tightening HTP/ENDS rules
  10. Blanket bans in LMICs are a form of "philanthropic colonialism"
  • 180+ documented positions from international medical, scientific and government bodies backing THR as a public-health strategy — WHO Europe, Cochrane, national medical academies, cancer and heart-disease bodies across a dozen countries.See the compiled list → (AVI did not compile this and cannot vouch for every entry individually)
  • A model for what a formal submission looks like — independent THR policy analyst Clive Bates has filed detailed submissions to the Australian Senate, Health Canada, and the Irish government, among others, each grounded in the same evidence base cited on this page.See his submissions archive →

AVI's own record

AVI has sent policy submissions and representations to Indian government bodies over the course of a decade — including theletters, statements and rebuttals documented in our press archive, and litigation organised across four states challenging bans on the evidentiary grounds set out on this page — see ourfull litigation record. One example: a formal submission to the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare's Tobacco Control Division, dated 8 November 2019, responding directly to the draft PECA bill with a 34-source evidence citation —read the submission (PDF) →. AVI has also organised on-the-ground public campaigns, including a multi-city "Tobacco Harm Reduction" press conference series and protests across six metros against the 2019/2020 ban — see thecampaigns section of our press page. A complete inventory of every submission sent isn't yet published on this site as a standalone record — if you're a policymaker or researcher and want the full history, contact us directly (see below) and we'll provide it.

Open to discussion

We're available to share more evidence with lawmakers and policymakers

Everything on this page is a starting point, not the complete case. If you're weighing tobacco harm reduction policy for India — or anywhere else — AVI is available to walk through the underlying research, India-specific data, and international precedent in more depth.

Contact us →